For Adalberto Costa Júnior, the dependence of Justice on the Government favors corruption. UNITA’s president defends a new direction so that the economy is no longer supported almost exclusively by oil, with a less omnipresent state, and there is more space for private initiative and foreign investment.
Vida Económica – As president of UNITA, how do you understand the current scenario in Angola?
Adalberto Costa Júnior – I believe that UNITA has the conditions to conduct an alternation process. Since 2002, there has been a peace process that is here to stay. The Angolan population itself aspires to change and wants rigor at all levels. I am well aware of the MPLA and what has kept the ruling party to a large extent is waving the threat of change. They are nothing more than fictional threats. The youth movement is a sign that the population wants alternation, so UNITA defends the demands of these young people. The reality is that the Government does not have a position of understanding and the leadership of UNITA has come to the public to legitimize the contestation of young people, insofar as the MPLA maintains an aggressive power practice, in which freedoms are not respected.
In the face of the last elections, the trauma of fraud prevails. It is a problem that has to be solved. We want to sensitize the country, the civic actors, the international community to the need to approach the next elections with a new electoral register. In turn, we cannot go to elections with the laws currently in force. Just take into account that the President of the Republic is not accountable to the Assembly. Its powers are unlimited and it is important to resume the practice of direct election of the President.
VE – Does it mean that the electoral law has to be changed?
ACJ – A conscious and informed society is essential to materialize the reforms. The electoral law has serious problems. Right away, there are no municipal counties, the law only allows national counting, which does not allow comparing the votes. The National Electoral Commission has a composition and a regulation that reflect the interests of the MPLA. Indeed, its members are chosen according to the results of the previous elections. This reality is scandalous. There is an urgent need to reform the State and the Constitution in its essential aspects. For example, in contrast to what happened in other PALOP countries, Angola never formalized local authorities. When this happens, the MPLA ceases to guarantee absolute power. However, the country continues to mark a step, there is no separation of political cycles.
VE – What is the way forward in Angola?
ACJ – The Marxist-Leninist regimes were never defeated at the polls or removed by revolutions. But if we look at the countries of Eastern Europe, we see examples of success in terms of the transition to democracy. In some of these countries, regimes have gone rotten and there have also been internal actors who have brought about change. In Poland, the Church made an important contribution to the democratic transition.
The regime of the Soviet Union fell from rot. In Angola, the regime is also rotting visibly and sharply. The regime has not yet completely fallen, but if we look at the positioning, the strategic options, we see degradation on many levels. It is possible that the path to change is this.
And there is also a new young generation that appears to reject the “status quo” outright and claims change.
A revolution in Angola is not something that can be intended as a path.
The installed power takes on this challenging phase. Power provokes shock, provokes blood, because it is aware of the force and because today the only weapons that are in Angola are the MPLA.
The revolution that may occur will be more socially, by the degradation of the regime, than by armed revolution.
The regime is already showing many signs of weakness, divisions, and many discontinuities.
VE – What will happen if UNITA wins the next elections?
ACJ – UNITA has a governance program designed in line with the interests and wishes of the population. There was an update of the electoral proposals, in relation to the previous campaign. We have an inclusive view of Angolan society, we deny the existence of elites. The current Government has not even fulfilled the requirements of the Reconciliation Program. For example, the inclusion of former combatants remains to be done. There are many orphans and widows without any rights. On the other hand, UNITA mainly wants to work with all competent Angolans, regardless of their political party, contrary to what has happened so far.
The MPLA does not know how to listen, it never made a cross-sectional diagnosis of the country we have, it never questioned whether this governance system is the most appropriate. I note that oil is not the structural solution for the country. We have a lot of water and fertile land, but the population is concentrated in large cities. Agriculture must be a reference, it is necessary to enhance the family agricultural initiative and cooperatives, alongside community development.
An import economy
VE – In your perspective, what are some of the main problems that are holding back the development of Angola?
ACJ – As I mentioned, Angola’s economy is excessively dependent on oil. There is no industry, we have an import economy. There is no type of investment that creates jobs. Education is not suitable for business development. In turn, it is not for the State to occupy economic activity. The economy is still very centralized, in the style of the Soviet model. Also very serious is the fact that several government officials are also entrepreneurs. For their part, real entrepreneurs are broke. There is a lack of democratic culture and an example of this is the state-controlled monopolies in the media. There is a clear lack of democratic freedom in this area as well.
I admit that, with regard to foreign investment, there were some legislative changes, with restrictions being reduced, that is, there was a certain opening in terms of legislation. However, problems arise later, as is the case with companies repatriating profits. Added to the lack of exchange rate stability. A floating currency does not guarantee stability to the investor. For example, the governor of the central bank of Angola takes place on the council of ministers, which means that he follows orders from the President of the Republic when he should be a model of independence. Once again, party interests override the common good.
VE – How should Angola be positioned between the United States and China?
ACJ – The United States has no policy for Africa. They have disappeared from the African continent and therefore we have not even had a bipolarization between the United States and China. There is only China’s policy, with the presence and availability of funding. Across Africa, Angola is the biggest debtor vis-à-vis Chinese capital. It owes China more than Nigeria and South Africa.
South Africa’s GDP is brutally higher, but Angola’s debt to China is 6 or 7 times higher.
UNITA has already asked for a parliamentary commission of inquiry into public debt. We are quite sure that a large part of the public debt is false. Is not real. If audited, it will allow conclusions to be reached that enable renegotiation, supported by facts. Without the facts, we will have to comply. In the possible transition, we will have to assume the commitments that the previous Government made.
We do not want to create instability or distrust because that is not the way. But it is important to stop the growth of public debt to China.
This debt is guaranteed by oil revenues. The proceeds from oil sales for the next 30 years are practically compromised by the existing debt.
Angola moved quickly from a country that sold oil to the United States to a country that sells all oil to China.
It is possible that the new American administration will create a policy for Africa. And it is possible that bipolarism can be reopened, which will be positive. If there is competition, we will have benefits. If the offer is one, we will have losses, because there are no options.
If there is a multiple offers, it is possible to choose the most advantageous one.
For example, Mozambique has entered all communities. It’s in the Commonwealth, it’s the PALOP. Angola has to learn to guard its interest.
VE – Is the increase in debt to China worrying?
ACJ – The debt to China arises from credit lines that finance works and infrastructure carried out negatively by the Angolan Government.
Chinese companies come, build in Angola, the materials are Chinese, the employees are Chinese, the food products for workers are Chinese. My question is: what is the interest for Angola of this type of cooperation? There is an opportunity for massive employment for the Chinese, there is no opportunity for knowledge transfer, it has no dynamizing effect for Angola.
And there is a lack of quality in the work. There are Chinese businessmen in Angola who tell me that the problem of lack of quality is that of Angolans. If the work is of poor quality, it is because of the imposition of bonuses for decision makers based on corruption. In a 100 million dollar project, compensation to decision makers can reach 80 million, leaving only 20 million to carry out the work.
Corruption in Angola is a problem of the present and not just of the past. The current path compromises the future.
VE – In the scope of Justice and the fight against corruption, have advances been made?
ACJ– Angola has serious problems related to the lack of separation of powers. The fight against corruption, for example, is very centered on the Attorney General of the Republic, but the problem is that this body, which should be totally independent from political power, depends on the Presidency itself. Now, it is known that there is corruption within the Presidency of the Republic. What is happening now is that corruption serves to exercise political persecution, when the process should be characterized by universality. I believe that there is a lack of democratic vocation for those who govern, a lack of openness to a national consensus. The MPLA gained addictions and became corrupted. Corruption remains very active. Individualism prevails, to the detriment of the public interest. UNITA favors the recovery of values and a strong commitment to fundamental sectors,
Historical proximity relations
VE – If UNITA is a government, can Portugal count on a close relationship? And what do you hope to do about entry visas?
ACJ –Portugal and Angola have close historical relationships, of which the common language is the best example. The objective is to maintain this privileged relationship between the two countries. However, I cannot help saying that, in recent years, relations have not always been the most transparent and balanced at the institutional level. This is because, not infrequently, your country gives in to the blackmail of the Angolan Government. Now, a healthy relationship cannot be based on the subservience of one of the parties, in this case in Portugal. Meanwhile, the Southern African Parliament, which will represent a community of more than 300 million people, is being built. Portugal can benefit enormously from this fact, especially through its relations with Angola and Mozambique. It will be an excellent opportunity for Portugal to assert itself in that region of Africa.
Regarding visas, I also advocate their elimination in relation to Portugal. It is a natural trend, but it is still necessary to overcome some internal social and economic constraints. It is necessary to prevent a disproportionate increase in the migratory movement. This is a problem that has to be solved especially on the Angolan side.
VE – What has been the European Union’s role in Angola?
ACJ– The European Union has played an important role in Angola. In fact, in such a way that there is an ambassador of the European Union in Angolan territory. One of the areas in which it has played an important role is in strengthening non-governmental organizations. On the other hand, the European Union ambassador has been listening to political opposition. In this context, I think that there should be a greater exchange between the European and Angolan parliaments. There could also be greater support for private business initiatives. It is enough to bear in mind that bank interest in Angola is prohibitive (around 27%), with the aggravating factor that banking is in the hands of the government. Access to finance is very complicated, especially for those who do not belong to the ruling party. Even granting scholarships to students depends on party affiliation.
